The New York State Board of Elections provides voter enrollment information for the entire state. The information is displayed for each county as well, and it is interesting to see the big differences in enrollment patterns across the various regions of the state.
The home page of the NYS Republican Party contains information relating to the philosophy of the party, press releases, links to key Republican office holders in the state, and information on county party leaders.
The home page of the NYS Democratic Party contains the positions of the party, press releases, links to key Democratic office holders, and information on county party leaders.
This article focuses on the Democratic Party after the tough losses that party faced in 1994. A good overview of the major activities of the state party committees, and the role of parties in our candidate centered era is provided.
This article highlights the continual efforts of both party chairs to raise enormous sums of money. In today’s campaign environment parties need to raise money around the clock to prepare for increasingly expensive statewide races
The NYS Board of Elections provides a comprehensive overview of the election law and rules governing ballot access and running for office. Included are sample petitions that are needed to get on the ballot.
This article examines the politics of the nominating conventions that the two major parties hold for statewide office. The backroom deals and intense politicking that often characterize convention politics reveal that the old adage “politics makes for strange bedfellows” is alive and well.
This article explores the dynamics of the party system in New York, and emphasizes the forces that lead to moderation between the two major parties. Yet it is also noted that clear differences do exist between the parties given the various constituencies that exist in the state.
This table illustrates the partisan base of split party control in the New York State legislature. The regional and demographic differences that exist in the state are often manifested in the contentious political battles that occur in the state capitol.
This article highlights the many minor parties that exist in New York State. The practice of cross endorsements and the politics of ballot access survival are covered in-depth
Minor Parties on the Web
Liberal Party
Right to Life Party
Green Party
Reform Party
The Business Council of New York State is the leading lobbying organization in the state concerning economic and business interests.
HANYS is a major trade association representing various sectors of the health care industry. Their web site contains valuable information concerning the health care issues facing the state
NYSUT is a powerful lobby on education issues and illustrates the growing strength of service oriented unions in state politics. A host of issues facing teachers and schools are highlighted here.
The NASW is an example of a professional association that provides a number of benefits to its members. Yet the NASW lobbies on concerns germane to the profession and related issues, such as welfare reform, healthcare, among other issues.
This organization is an example of an ideological or cause oriented group that receives support from members based on noneconomic motivations. Environmental Advocates provides a wide range of resources concerning the environment on this site. Included are issue briefs, bill memos, reports, and links to many other environmental groups.
A comprehensive list of organizations and corporations registered to lobby in New York State. A wide range of interests are represented here.
The Commission is in charge of monitoring lobbying activities in the state. The site contains reports from the Commission on the nature of lobbying, and data pertaining to the largest lobby firms and campaign contributors.
This article looks at the role that candidate endorsements play for organized interests and their members. Most organizations are pragmatic with endorsements and, therefore, favor incumbents overwhelmingly, since over 98% of legislative incumbents win reelection.
This link features the 1998 candidate endorsements made by the New York State League of Conservation Voters, an environmental group.
This article looks at the practice of legislative fund raisers that are held through the legislative session. The article examines the pros and cons from various perspectives.
Environmental Advocates provides a list of bill memos to alert their members and legislators of their position on pending legislation. Each bill memo briefly explains the bill, their position on it, and a supporting rationale. During the heat of the legislative session, legislators are bombarded with hundreds of bill memos from interest groups
Many groups use grass roots strategies, including letter writing, to influence state legislators on policy matters. The issue featured here concerns the NASW’s desire to pass a social work licensure bill, and offers a sample letter for members who wish to contact their legislators.
During the heated debate on rent control legislation in 1997, landlord and tenant’s groups were extremely active on this important issue. This article examines the different tactics that were used by the groups, and highlights the way that both inside and outside tactics were used.
This brief article looks a new lobbying tactic, using the airwaves to reach the public and lawmakers. The health care lobbies used a radio blitz to attack Governor Pataki’s proposed health care cuts in the budget.
This article raises the issue of the importance of lobbying in a democracy. Although we often deplore “special interest” politics, inevitably there comes a time when we are part of it as well.
This chapter examines the roles that political parties and interest groups play in New York State politics. The functions of political parties and changes in political parties in recent years are covered. Next, the interest group system in New York is examined, and the strategies used by organized interests are explained. New York is one of the few states in which both political parties and interest groups are strong actors in the political process. Political parties are known to have three broad components. The party in the electorate refers to the attachment that citizens have to a party. The party organization captures the actual machinery of the party and the role that parties play in elections. Finally, the party in government concerns the officeholders who represent the party (this topic will receive additional coverage in chapters 4 & 5). Across all three components of the political party, a primary function is to organize political conflict and change. Especially in a diverse state such as New York the multitude of demands need to be funneled through the competing agendas of the two major parties. Party in the Electorate
Party Organizations and Elections
There are essentially three parts of the political party structure in New York State. Each party has a statewide party committee, local county committees, and legislative campaign committees. Each of the two major parties, Democrats and Republicans, has a statewide committee that works with office holders and local party officials across the state. Increasingly, the state party committees are active in fundraising and presenting the best possible slate of candidates for statewide races. The public face of the party is usually presented by the state party chair, William Powers for the Republican party and Judith Hope for the Democratic party. In addition, each of the 62 counties in the state has local party committee that plays the primary role in recruiting candidates and maintaining the grass roots aspect of the party. Local party organizations vary considerably in their strength and level of activity, though. In Albany County, the Democratic Party is dominant and until recently the party leaders had a tight control on elections there. Nassau County, conversely, is a stronghold for the Republican Party. Yet the vast majority of county party organizations are weaker today than in the past. Legislative campaign Committees (LCC’s) have developed enormously in recent years, and each of the party units in the state legislature has its own campaign committee (Assembly Republicans, Assembly Democrats, Senate Republicans & Senate Democrats). The LCC’s have raised ample funds in the last few elections cycles, and the majority party LCC’s raised over four million dollars each during the 1998 election year. While some coordination takes place between these three components of the political parties, for the most part the three parts work independently of each other.
Political parties play a key role in elections both formally and in informal ways. On of the formal aspects is the nomination process in which parties pick their respective nominees for office. New York has a closed primary system meaning that only individuals registered in a given party can vote in that party’s primary. Independents are not allowed to vote in either party’s primary. Candidates for legislative races need to collect petition signatures to get on the primary ballot. Assembly candidates must collect 500 signatures, while Senate candidates need to get 1,000 petition signatures. Party volunteers can play a pivotal role in the petition gathering process especially for candidates that are relatively new to the political scene. While the general public often overlooks primaries, and turnout is very low, in many areas of the state one party dominance means that primary elections are the key to who wins in November.
In statewide races, though, a two-pronged arrangement exists. The Republicans and Democrats each hold conventions on the spring of the election year in which state wide candidates (governor, attorney general, comptroller) hope to gain 25% or more support for the delegates at the convention, and any candidates that cross that threshold are automatically on the September primary ballot. A candidate who receives over 50% of the convention support becomes the official party endorsed candidate in the primary. A respective candidate who fails to meet the 25% threshold needs to collect petitions to secure a spot the primary ballot. The convention process necessitates that candidates build support from party officials, especially county committees, to do well at the convention.
Political parties also participate in the electoral process by recruiting candidates, mobilizing voters, and providing campaign resources, such as money and volunteers. Traditionally, the parties were the central vehicles by which a candidate ran their campaign. In addition, most voters used the party cue as their primary guide to decide on their vote choice. In this party entered environment it made sense for candidates to work with the party and, in fact, many people became candidates because they had “paid their dues” within the local party. This party based scenario still exists in some locations across the state but increasingly the phenomena of candidate centered elections is frequently common.
The Nature of New York's Party System
Moderation seems to be the formula for success for the two dominant parties in New York. The moderate nature of New York’s two major parties stems from a number of factors. In statewide races one of the biggest factors is the dynamics of New York’s electorate. While the Democrats do hold a sizable enrollment edge, Democrats generally turnout in smaller numbers than Republicans which minimizes this advantage. In 1994, 60% of the registered voters participated in the gubernatorial election, yet only 55% of the Democrats cast ballots as opposed to 80% of the enrolled Republicans. Clearly, one key aspect of Governor Pataki’s narrow victory in 1994 was the lopsided numbers of Republicans who voted. In addition, the differences in Mario Cuomo’s reelection numbers in 1990, and George Pataki’s strong showing in 1998 reveal the swing nature of the state’s electorate. In Cuomo’s large victory in 1990 he earned 73% of the New York City vote not surprisingly, yet he added to the Democratic base by securing 50% of the vote in the New York City suburbs and 48% in the upstate urban areas. Yet in 1994, George Pataki won 55% of the suburban vote and 51% of the upstate urban vote, and his margin of victory in these two areas was 14% and 13% respectively. Moreover, in Governor Pataki’s overwhelming victory in 1998, he padded his suburban vote by winning 62% on average in the counties surrounding New York City. The swing nature of many voters in the state is further illustrated by a comparison of Pataki’s win in 1998 and Charles Schumer’s Senate victory in that same year. Across the state Pataki won 56% of the vote of independents, while Schumer garnered 50% of that same pool of voters. Even at the county level interesting differences emerge. In Westchester County, while the Republican Pataki got 59% of the vote there, Schumer, a Democrat, totaled 53% of the vote. What these numbers reveal is that the key to winning state wide races in New York is to not only mobilize your own base, but to win the votes of moderate voters as well. It is not surprising that Governor Pataki is seen as a moderate force in the Republican Party with a mixture of fiscal conservatism and social moderation. Senator Schumer’s “new” Democrat emphasis on crime and education no doubt helped him more than hold his own in the suburban counties. In essence, moderation may be increasingly a necessity to winning statewide races in New York State.
INTEREST GROUP & NEW YORK POLITICS
While political parties are important actors in state politics, interest groups play increasingly important roles as well. Interest groups represent various populations in New York, and given the state’s diversity it is not surprising that a large universe of organized groups exist in the state. In addition, as dealignment, the movement away from parties, has increased many individuals have opted to support interest groups to voice their opinions. These groups might represent the individual in a professional sense, such as the National Association of Social Workers (NASW), or in more ideological fashion, such a Pro-Life group or an environmental organization. In fact, the term interest group is a bit misleading since many “organized interests”, such as corporations, do not actually have members. Trade associations, such as the Healthcare Association of New York State (HANYS), which are numerous in state politics have members that are organizations rather than individuals. Whatever type of organized interest an entity may be, most lobbies need a full time presence in Albany to be successful in the complex arena of state politics.
Types of Organized Interests
As indicated above, a number of different types of organized interests exist in New York State. Perhaps the most common type of organized interests are those that have an economic motivation for being active in the political process. For instance, the Business Council of New York State is the best known lobbying organization on a broad range of economic and business related issues and concerns. In addition, a number of corporations have their own lobbyists who safeguard their interests in the state capitol. Most trade associations are economically motivated as well, such as HANYS, CICU, National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), among many others. Another powerful force in New York State politics are unions which range from the traditional industrial types such as the United Auto Workers (UAW) to the increasingly service oriented unions, such as the Communication Workers of America and the New York State United Teachers (NYSUT). A number of professional organizations exist that provide a range of services to their members, but also lobby to safeguard the economic interests of the profession. The American Bar Association, American Medical Association, and the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) are examples of this type of organized interest. A well known set of groups are those that are viewed as ideological or single issue in nature. Among these types of organizations might be included environmental, women’s, abortion, animal rights, and citizens’ groups. These groups primarily gain support from their members based on a cause or policy interest, rather than a direct economic incentive. All of the organizations mentioned above that have members in any form devote a lot of time and energy communicating with, and activating, their membership in addition to traditional lobbying. A final type of organization is lobbying firms, sometimes known as contract lobbyists, who represent “clients” in the political process. Most lobbying firms employ lawyers and public relations specialists who provide an array of services for their clients. All types of organizations-corporations, trade associations, ideological groups-employ lobbying forms. Most lobbying firms have employees who have ample legislative or state government experience and legislative giants, such as former Assembly Speaker Mel Miller, often move into these positions after retirement. New York lawmakers have long recognized the large role organized interests play in the process, and in 1977 the Temporary State Commission on Lobbying was formed to monitor lobbying activities in the state. The primary role of the Commission is to serve as public clearinghouse to track the identity, activities, and expenditures of organizations lobbying state government.
Interest Groups Activities
Many organized interests engage in electoral activities to further their agenda or concerns. Increasingly, membership organizations provide candidate endorsements in statewide, legislative, and even local races. While these endorsements show respective candidates, often the incumbents, that the group supports them, this practice also alerts the membership to the “worthiness” of a given candidate. The process of candidate endorsements can be tricky, and often furthers the adage that “politics makes strange bedfellows”, since most organizations are pragmatic and, therefore, reluctant to support challengers given the high rate of incumbent victories. A small number of groups maintain voting “report cards” to inform their members regarding the positions and track record of candidates. A growing number of both economic and ideological groups mobilize their members to work on campaigns by doing phone bank work, door to door canvassing, and “get out the vote” drives. In recent years, both business interests and unions have gotten very involved in a range of electoral activities. Yet by far the best known electoral activity groups undertake is providing campaign contributions to candidates and the party organizations. The proliferation of political action committees (PAC’s) at the national and state level since the 1970’s is well documented. The growth of PAC’s has been spurred by the escalating costs of state campaigns, and organizations know that campaign cash is an integral aspect of influencing the political process today. In New York State, given the strong leadership system in the legislature most PAC’s not only give to individual candidates but to the leadership dominated LCC’s
Although the number of organized interests engaged in electoral activities has grown in recent years the staple of most organized interests remains lobbying state government, primarily the legislature. While it is often thought that lobbyists pressure the legislators to take their positions, in reality a lot of lobbying involves simple monitoring and tracking the policy process. Most group representatives attend committee meetings and “hang out” in the lobby outside of the legislative chambers in order to keep their eyes and ears open for the latest developments on potential or pending legislation. In fact, a typical scene outside of a committee meeting is the conversations among various lobbyists and legislative staff keeping appraised of ongoing developments. Many organizations send out one-page bill memos in which they explain their position to all legislators. In addition, most organizations make sure to develop good relationships with the party leadership and the members of the key committees of interest to them. For instance, organizations such as HANYS will pay a great deal of attention to the majority members of the Senate and Assembly Health Committees, especially the Chairs and their staff. Moreover, while the legislature gets a lot of attention from lobbyists it is important for group representatives to cultivate relationships with agency staff as well. Most professional organizations also know that a visit from an influential member of a member’s constituency can be a vital connection. For instance, the chief administrator for a hospital might accompany a HANYS representative to a member’s office, or a College president might join the CICU lobbyist for a legislative visit. Much of this type of traditional lobbying involves socializing or presenting information, rather than pressure oriented advocacy. The vast majority of organized interests engage in these types of inside techniques, and it is not surprising that legislative staff frequently move into lobbying positions and occasionally vice versa.
While the inside, traditional lobbying activities described above are quite common, a number of interest groups use more outside means of persuasion as well. Many groups today make good use of issue alerts to keep their members abreast of legislative developments, and sometimes arrange for letter writing or petition drives. In addition, lobby days have become a staple of the legislative session in Albany especially on Tuesdays since the legislature is almost always in session then and many committees meet that day. On a typical Tuesday in the spring many different groups may descend on the state capitol to make their case in a grass roots fashion. A typical lobby day may seem haphazard but most involve enormous preparation. Typically the professional lobbyists provide an orientation session on the key issues that the group, or more likely set of groups, wants to focus on that day. After an orientation briefing and sometimes a rally, the grass roots participants usually go the legislative offices to meet with either key law makers on the issue, or the legislators that personally represent them. These grass roots lobby days can be effective especially when used in conjunction with other types of ongoing lobbying activities. Beyond grass roots lobbying, some organized interests attempt to use the media to affect the public mood, and ultimately persuade lawmakers. The public employees unions have used television ads to promote a “good image” of state government services, and therefore earn support in state budget battles. Opinion pieces in key newspapers, such as the New York Times or Albany Times Union, or in the local press of influential lawmakers can be an effective approach as well. The growth of the Internet and other rapid technologies, means that the use of grassroots mobilization by organized interests will certainly grow in the future.
Interest Group Influence & Success
It is difficult to determine the influence of any particular interest group since a number of factors are usually necessary to gain passage of legislation or to stop a bill. Yet there are common factors that over time seem to be indicative of interest group power, some of which have to do with aspects of the group itself and other factors involve the political environment. Overall, organized interests that are successful over time have strong resources, such as money, skillful leadership, and active members. It is important for groups that rely on their membership in lobbying to have members that are geographical distributed across the state and cohesive in their beliefs. In New York, some of the business lobbies, such as the Business Council of New York State, and trade associations in the banking, insurance, and healthcare fields are viewed as generally possessing these ingredients. In addition, the public sector unions and teacher’s unions are regarded as having clout given their large and attentive memberships. Yet interest group influence is constrained or facilitated by factors germane to the political context of an issue. Organizations that are attempting to stop change are usually at an advantage over groups that are hoping to enact new legislation or change existing programs. In addition, when a strong interest group faces little or no opposition then obviously the chances for success are enhanced. During the rent control debate in 1997, the landlord associations would have been in a much better situation if the tenant’s groups had not been effectively organized and able to alter the public debate. The nature of a given issue and outside events can also change the dynamics of interest group power. Clearly, those organizations advocating for stronger domestic violence laws were aided by the highly publicized O.J. Simpson trial, and this intense spotlight helped ease passage of the Family Protection and Domestic Violence Act of 1995. In short, it is important to consider the resources of interest groups and the dynamics of a given issue when considering the influence of organized interests.
The interest group system can also be examined to see the power that groups as a whole have in state politics. Generally, interest groups are strong in a state when the political parties are weak and vice versa. Yet in New York State a relatively rare occurrence of both strong parties and organized interests exists. Interest groups tend to “complement” the clout of the two major parties in the state, and on many issues the Assembly Democratic Majority is aligned with certain interests and the Senate Republican Majority works with opposing interests. In this fashion, each side has enough power to force a compromise or to delay any action until some change on the issue occurs. Issue movement tends to occur in the policy process when party leaders recognize that a group of their “rank and file” members desires a change, and interest groups play a key role in the often fluid debates that happen in the state capitol.
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